The report Root of Hate: Fascism and Fundamentalism gives a critical framework to understand how different trends and tactics are being imposed upon South Asia and Southeast Asia to break the dissent. In most cases, it clearly shows how these are intertwined.
I could relate the report to the case of Kashmir post-2019, after the Modi government stripped Kashmir of its autonomy. The history of Kashmir is complex; different scholars have written how it has mostly been shaped by political control, economic exploitation, and taxation by various rulers—even before India and Pakistan were formed in 1947.
The oppression and suppression in Kashmir have been more about control through militarisation (Zia, 2023), the state apparatus, and it now remains as one of the most contested and militarised zones in the world.
Human rights organisations like Amnesty International and Kashmiri activists and scholars have argued (Amnesty International, 2005) that the Indian state’s heavy-handed approach, which involves the deployment of the Indian Army and the use of repressive laws like AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act) and the Public Safety Act (PSA), leads to systematic human rights abuses.
After 2019, following the abrogation of Article 370, the use of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act in Kashmir intensified significantly, with frequent arrests of political activists, journalists, and civilians.
Throughout history, Kashmir resistance has been about the right to live with dignity and the constant struggle for justice, peace, and self-determination.
Stripping Kashmir of its limited autonomy in 2019 (Article 370 abrogation) is seen as a political strategy (Mukhopadhyay, 2019) and a long-standing ideological promise (Yadav, 2019) by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to consolidate its Hindutva voter base.
Article 370 was crucial because it granted Jammu and Kashmir special autonomy. It allowed it to have its constitution, flag, and control over all matters except defense, foreign affairs, finance, and communications.
The autonomy was a key part of Kashmir’s accession to India in 1947. It also ensured that Indian laws would not automatically apply without the state government’s consent. The law also protected land and residency rights under Article 35A, restricting non-residents from buying property or accessing government jobs. Symbolising Kashmir’s distinct political identity, Article 370 was seen as a safeguard against full integration into India, and its revocation in 2019 led to widespread resentment. The move was seen as a breach of their historical agreement with India.
ACTORS, TACTICS, AND TRENDS USED TO SUPPRESS DISSENT
Post-2019, various actors—both direct and indirect—have played a role in silencing dissent and reshaping narratives to align with the Modi government’s narrative of “normalcy and development” in Kashmir. The state apparatus, like the Jammu and Kashmir Police (JKP), the National Investigation Agency (NIA), and the State Investigation Agency (SIA), were used at the forefront to crack down on dissent.
This is an excerpt of an article by The Guardian (Ellis-Petersen and Hassan, 2021) :
UAPA, ostensibly a terrorism prevention law, has instead routinely been used by the Modi government to detain those deemed critical of the government, from lawyers and activists to journalists, priests, poets, academics, civil society members, and Kashmiri civilians.
Simultaneously, an ecosystem of IT cells, pro-government local party leaders, and state-controlled media functioned as a public relations tool, amplifying state propaganda while delegitimising independent voices.
The move to abrogate Article 370 was celebrated by the majority in India. For many, particularly those aligned with the ruling BJP’s Hindutva ideology, the move was framed as a necessary step to integrate Kashmir fully into the Indian Union.
Some of the Hindutva ideological leaders saw it as the “final nail in terrorism” (Times of India, 2019)
Hundreds were detained—including Kashmiri politicians, who opposed the 2019 move. It was followed by a crackdown and a seven-month-long communication blackout. Journalism and activism have been criminalised since then. (Al Jazeera, 2020)
The National Investigation Agency (NIA) conducted raids in offices and homes of activists and journalists, including offices of NGOs and Kashmir’s then most popular local daily, the Greater Kashmir newspaper. Journalists working in leading newspapers said that most of their pre-2019 reporting was erased (Hassan, 2021) from the websites of the newspapers. (Al Jazeera, 2020)
Independent outlets were raided, including The Kashmir Walla, whose editor was slapped with India’s sedition and anti-terror laws. Eventually, the website was banned under the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology under the IT Act, 2000 (Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, Government of India, 2025)
Media watchdogs like the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) have highlighted the amount of fear and criminalisation of reporters, including Kashmiri local media. (Dhawan, 2022) Dozens lost their jobs, and many stopped doing journalism altogether. There is no data available about how many did so. New tactics (Naqash, 2022) were employed to take away safe spaces like Kashmir’s only press club.
Dissent was suppressed and structurally prevented by instilling fear and widespread arrests, forcing many local media organisations to promote state-controlled narratives. These actions were used to erase the very possibility of rebellion from Kashmiris.
New media laws made things even worse. Jammu and Kashmir’s media have historically faced restrictions, but there has always been a space for dissent. Here is an excerpt of the 53-page Kashmir media policy (Government of Jammu and Kashmir, 2020), which was introduced in 2020:
“There shall be no release of advertisements to any media which incite or intend to incite violence, question sovereignty and integrity of India or violate the accepted norms of public decency and behaviour.”
There is absolutely no freedom for journalists to report, especially in international media, without scrutiny. BBC’s year-long investigation explains “a sinister and systematic campaign” (Limaye, 2023) being used “to intimidate and silence the press in the region.” (Limaye, 2023)
Ultimately, it led many journalists to leave Kashmir and work in mainland India. Kashmiri locals have always kept themselves informed of regional, national, and geopolitical politics. At this point, most are discouraged from reading newspapers as they lack nuance and basic facts.
MISOGYNY, XENOPHOBIA IN DIGITAL SPACES
Soon after Article 370 was abrogated, a BJP lawmaker publicly made a disturbing and highly problematic remark calling on Indians to marry “fair Kashmiri women.” (Pandey and Ghosh, 2019)
This comment was quickly followed by numerous social media posts by Indian men claiming they could “now get Kashmiri girls” (Sengar, 2019)—a trend that gained significant traction on platforms like Twitter. This reflects how dominant narratives are deployed not just to assert territorial claims but also to undermine the bodily agency of women, in this case Kashmiri women, which is part of a broader pattern of fascist and fundamentalist strategies and mindsets across the region.
In India, Kashmiris have always been stereotyped and framed as ‘stone-pelters’ and ‘terrorists,’ and they have been seen suspiciously, but soon after the abrogation of Article 370, the students studying in mainland India spoke about deepening discrimination within campuses or by their owners. (Pandit, 2020)
Scholarly articles have mentioned racism against Kashmiris (Ali and Aftab, 2024) in mainland India and its manifestations over time. BJP politicians have been booked for hate speech against Kashmiris, like one politician who publicly said, “to skin [Kashmiris] alive.” (Fareed, 2021)
Kashmiris have also faced repercussions for putting up congratulatory WhatsApp posts for the Pakistan cricket team. An example is the criminalization (Aafaq, 2022) of three Kashmiri students who had to spend six months in jail. Such legal action could be applied to anyone in India, but Kashmiri identity became a critical factor, so much so that no lawyer was willing to take up their case in Agra, Uttar Pradesh, India. Cricket has always been a passion in Kashmir, and while fans have traditionally supported various teams, this unprecedented level of criminalization has only emerged post-2019.
Using legal frameworks to legitimize repressive measures
As the Modi government introduced new domicile laws in 2020, his ally, Mukesh Ambani, promised that it would make several announcements regarding investments in Kashmir. (India Today, 2019) Domicile law allows non-residents who have lived in the region for 15 years to apply for residency and property rights in Kashmir, overturning Article 35(A), which had barred outsiders, including Indian nationals, from settling and claiming government jobs to maintain the demographic balance in the region.
In 2020, new amendments were made. For Example, a 50-year-old law and a 49-year-old circular were withdrawn, allowing the Indian army and paramilitary forces to designate any property or area in J&K as “strategic” and seize it without local government approval or regard for civilian objections. (Article 14, 2020) The ability of the military and paramilitary forces to unilaterally designate any property or area as “strategic” and seize it without respect for civilian concerns echoes fascist tactics of centralised, unchecked power. The regional administration ordered the creation of a special task force to review cases of Kashmiri government employees for “threatening security of state” (Fareed, 2021) under Article 311—a legal provision that allows for the dismissal, removal, or demotion of civil servants in the Union or a State following an inquiry.
It signals a move where state security concerns are used to override democratic processes and individual rights to silence dissent and subordinate local autonomy to military interests.
The residents and critics fear that the pace of developmental projects in the region is aimed at tightening India’s control over the region, changing its demography by settling in outsiders, and boosting access to areas along India’s tense borders with its archrivals China and Pakistan. (Christian Science Monitor, 2022)
Recent reports have shown how residents of Jammu and Kashmir protest over land grabs. (Frontline, 2023) The reports also show the Indian state has been consistently looking for investors and identifying land in Kashmir for investments. (Parvaiz, 2019)
Given that around 70 percent of the Kashmiri economy depends on agriculture and horticulture, this push for a new political economy is putting local livelihoods and the environment at risk. But it has also brought resistance against the expropriation of agricultural land claimed by the government for railway and other infrastructure projects. In fact, as per reports, Jammu and Kashmir faces the highest unemployment crisis in mainland India, which also shows how locals suffer despite the claims and who benefits from the “development” (Kashmir Observer, 2024).
TOURISM, AND CINEMA
The Modi government has largely used the term ‘tourism narrative’ to promote the beauty of Kashmir. Post 2019, there is also a push to “eco-tourism.”
This is also happening under heavy scrutiny and military intervention, like in the case of the G20 meet, when the valley was put under heavy security. (Al Jazeera, 2023)
Portrayal of Kashmir in Indian cinema has also overlooked the local stories and living conditions of people under militarization and constant surveillance. It is important to note that fascist fundamentalist movements are used to create rifts between communities that have traditionally lived together. After propaganda movies like The Kashmir Files, Article 370, and Uri: The Surgical Strike were promoted, benefiting the state from the propaganda. A few more movies were promoted to spread nationalistic propaganda that benefited the ruling government, BJP: The Kerala Story, Vaccine War, and The Bastar story–to reshape the narrative against muslims and other minority groups.
The Modi government actively promoted these nationalistic agenda movies.
Indian cinema is famous worldwide, and its impact is huge. This also has an impact on Indians who have never been to Kashmir or places in Northeast India. They rely on mainstream Indian media, which has been actively promoting xenophobia against certain groups, including Kashmiris.
In movies, Kashmiri locals are often presented as victims of insurgency, and the aspect of state violence is ignored. Kashmir is shown as a place of interest for Pakistan and China.
Local Kashmiri artists, through art like music and short documentaries, have tried to find mediums, especially digital spaces, as an act of resistance, but the very act of dissent in any form is criminalised. They have also faced censorship and threats over the period.
MILITARISATION
The state coercive apparatus post-2019 has become stronger in Kashmir. Kashmir’s case is an example of how there is a blur line between governance and warfare which ultimately turns civilian populations into subjects of control like we have ample examples but since I am particularly discussing post 2019 developments, there are recent examples of fake encounters and extrajudicial killings in Kashmir, and in almost all cases there is no proper investigation or it takes years for the judgement to come. A recent report from The Wire highlights how a court order mentions that a 2012 incident where a young Kashmiri civilian was allegedly killed in a fake encounter was misrepresented as a ‘terrorist’ (Ali, 2024)
In 2020, a fake encounter sent chills across Jammu and Kashmir, and it took police more than five months to file a chargesheet against the army captain involved. The court, while granting bail to him, said it was “implausible” (Zargar, 2023) to believe that “the captain carried out the alleged fake encounter without the knowledge of senior officers.” (Zargar, 2023)
It raises concerns of accountability and oversight in military operations in a region under prolonged military presence, tampering with civil rights, and also how certain legal measures are used to avoid further investigations. In this case, the AFSPA (Government of India, 1990)
Fear of war and a disinformation campaign against Kashmiris
In April 2025, an attack in Kashmir in which 26 Indian civilians lost their lives escalated and reignited fears of broader conflict between India and Pakistan. Due to airstrikes and shellings from both sides, this conflict resulted in a loss of lives, mostly in Indian and Pakistan administered Kashmir. Observers say the flashpoint became a reason once again to map and highlight the Kashmir issue globally, especially post-2019 (Hussain, 2025).
But since then the misinformation and disinformation campaign against local Kashmiris have increased, including the anti-muslim hate in India (Association of Protection of Civil Rights (APCR). 84 hate speeches, 39 assaults, 19 vandalism and 3 murders are mentioned in the report. Links to reports of the incidents are available in the report. Kashmiri students and traders also faced xenophobia from Indian mainstream Television media, Hindutva mob and Indian Influencers who accused them of “supporting terrorism” and for their identity as Kashmiri. (Rehbar, 2025).
This sudden outburst of online hate didn’t happen in vacuum: we have already discussed the clear trends and tactics. In most cases, it clearly shows how authoritarian nationalism, and media control are intertwined. The Kashmir case, especially post-2019, and now–is a sharp reflection of this convergence.
CONCLUSIONS
This analysis is to gain valuable insights post-2019 in Kashmir. It shows the tactics and actors used to promote Kashmir as a “peaceful” region and a “tourist place.” Although the explanation is a surface layer of deeper issues that Kashmiris are facing. The examples with important reports are to bring nuance to the ongoing discussion of ROOTS OF HATE: Fascism and Fundamentalism in South and Southeast Asia. This analysis also serves as an example of how a region in South Asia, which has always had a complex history and unique identity, is being reshaped.
THE RADICAL HOPE
Kashmiris have always been resilient, and the grassroots resistance is often highlighted by the media. Kashmiris have supported each other during tough times. For example, when there used to be communication blackouts and shutdowns, grassroots initiatives supported families in need. Community schools have supported students during the 2019 lockdown and the COVID-19 lockdown. (Majid, 2019)
Kashmiri youth have always used digital activism and cultural expressions to challenge the dominant propaganda against them. Moreover, Kashmiris use collective memory and identity and conversations in closed circles as an act to resist, even if all the forms of resistance are criminalised.
List of resources
Aafaq, Z. Jailed For WhatsApp Status: Three Kashmiri Students’ Struggle To Be Free. BoomLive. Available at: https://www.boomlive.in/explainers/whatsapp-status-jailed-kashmiri-students-agra-jail-17389 [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Al Jazeera, 2019. The abrogation of Kashmir’s special status: Why now. [online] Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2019/8/8/the-abrogation-of-kashmirs-special-status-why-now [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Al Jazeera, 2020a. India restores internet in Kashmir after 7 months of blackout. [online] 5 March. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/3/5/india-restores-internet-in-kashmir-after-7-months-of-blackout [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Al Jazeera, 2020b. Kashmir daily office, activists’ homes raided by Indian agency. [online] 28 October. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/10/28/indian-agency-raid-multiple-locations-in-kashmir [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Al Jazeera, 2021. India sacks Kashmir employees for threatening ‘security of state’. [online] Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/5/17/kashmir-employees-sacked-for-threatening-security-of-state [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Al Jazeera, 2021b. India hosts G20 tourism meet in Kashmir under heavy security. [online] 22 May. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/5/22/india-hosts-g20-tourism-meet-in-kashmir-under-heavy-security [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Ali, I. & Aftab, M., 2024. Casual Racism Against Kashmiri Students And Their Otherization. IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science. Available at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/385127745_Casual_Racism_Against_Kashmiri_Students_And_Their_Otherization [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Amnesty International, 2021. India: Human Rights Violations in Kashmir. [online] Available at: https://www.amnesty.org/ar/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/asa200252005en.pdf [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Athar, P., Indian government looks to acquire land in Kashmir. Dialogue Earth. Available at: https://dialogue.earth/en/justice/india-government-land-kashmir/ [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Bouzas Antía. Resisting Disappearance. Military Occupation & Women’s Activism in Kashmir, by Ather Zia. Available at: https://journals.openedition.org/ebhr/82 [Accessed 22 May 2025].
CPJ, 2022. Kashmir media at a breaking point amid rising number of journalist detentions. [online] Available at: https://cpj.org/2022/05/kashmir-media-at-a-breaking-point-amid-rising-number-of-journalist-detentions/ [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Deccan Herald, 2020. Community schools offer hope for students in locked JK. [online] Available at: https://www.deccanherald.com/india/community-schools-offer-hope-for-students-in-locked-jk-758648.html [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Hassan, A. Kashmir’s Vanishing Newspapers. Coda Story. Available at: https://www.codastory.com/rewriting-history/kashmir-vanishing-newspaper/ [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Hussain, A. (2025) ‘Pahalgam attack: A simple guide to the Kashmir conflict’, Al Jazeera, 2 May. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/5/2/pahalgam-attack-a-simple-guide-to-the-kashmir-conflict (Accessed: 28 May 2025).
India Code, 1978. Public Safety Act, 1978. Available at: https://www.indiacode.nic.in/bitstream/123456789/10406/1/public_safety_act,_1978.pdf [Accessed 22 May 2025].
India Today, 2019. Mukesh Ambani promises investment in Jammu and Kashmir, Reliance sets up special team. [online] Available at: https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/mukesh-ambani-promises-investment-jammu-kashmir-reliance-set-up-special-team-1579993-2019-08-12 [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Indiatimes, 2019. Highest number of searches for ‘marry Kashmiri girl’ came from Delhi in the past one day. [online] Available at: https://www.indiatimes.com/news/india/highest-number-of-searches-for-marry-kashmiri-girl-came-from-delhi-in-the-past-one-day-373061.html [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Indian Express, 2019. Article of faith: History of the RSS and BJP opposition to Article 370. Available at: https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/article-of-faith-history-of-the-rss-and-bjp-opposition-to-370-kashmir-special-status-5881052/ [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology, Government of India, 2025. Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology. [online] Available at: https://www.meity.gov.in/ [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Mukhopadhyay, N., 2019. The abrogation of Kashmir’s special status: Why now. Al Jazeera. Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2019/8/8/the-abrogation-of-kashmirs-special-status-why-now [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Naqash, R., 2022. ‘Tactic to end solidarity’: How Kashmir Press Club was a ‘second home’, especially for freelancers. Newslaundry. Available at: https://www.newslaundry.com/2022/01/19/tactic-to-end-solidarity-how-kashmir-press-club-was-a-second-home-especially-for-freelancers [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Parvaiz, A., Indian government looks to acquire land in Kashmir. Dialogue Earth. Available at: https://dialogue.earth/en/justice/india-government-land-kashmir/ [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Rayan, N. ‘Tactic to end solidarity’: How Kashmir Press Club was a ‘second home’, especially for freelancers. Newslaundry. Available at: https://www.newslaundry.com/2022/01/19/tactic-to-end-solidarity-how-kashmir-press-club-was-a-second-home-especially-for-freelancers [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Rehbar, Q. (2025) ‘Paying the price for just being Kashmiri’, TRT Global, 28 April. Available at: https://trt.global/world/article/f1f242893249 (Accessed: 28 May 2025).
Scroll.in, 2023. Why relief to army captain casts shadow on role of senior officers in Amshipora fake encounter. Available at: https://scroll.in/article/1059408/why-relief-to-army-captain-casts-shadow-on-role-of-senior-officers-in-amshipora-fake-encounter [Accessed 22 May 2025].
The Guardian, 2021. How terrorism law in India used to silence Modi’s critics. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/dec/10/how-terrorism-law-india-used-to-silence-modis-critics [Accessed 22 May 2025].
The Hindu Frontline, 2023. The great land grab: New laws in Jammu and Kashmir dispossess native farmers of land, property rights. Available at: https://frontline.thehindu.com/social-issues/the-great-land-grab-new-laws-in-jammu-and-kashmir-dispossess-native-farmers-of-land-property-rights/article66342728.ece [Accessed 22 May 2025].
The Wire, 2023. Army trying to cover up true facts in alleged fake encounter of civilian: Kashmir court. Available at: https://thewire.in/law/army-trying-to-cover-up-true-facts-in-alleged-fake-encounter-of-civilian-kashmir-court [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Times of India, 2019. Scrapping of Article 370 is final nail in terrorism coffin: UP CM Yogi Adityanath. Available at: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/scrapping-of-article-370-is-final-nail-in-terrorism-coffin-up-cm-yogi-adityanath/articleshow/71582966.cms [Accessed 22 May 2025].
Yogita, L., 2023. ‘Any story could be your last’ – India’s crackdown on Kashmir press. BBC News. Available at: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-66155796 [Accessed 22 May 2025].